Marwaris are the people from the Marwar region of Rajasthan in India. Though Marwari as a genre originated from a place name, the Marwari people have spread to many regions of India, and even to neighboring countries, as they expanded their business and trade networks. In many locales, Marwari immigrants over time (and, usually involving many generations) have blended in with the regional cultures.
The Marwar region includes the central and western parts of Rajasthan. The word Marwar is considered to be derived from Sanskrit word Maruwat, the meaning of maru being 'desert'.
The development of the fresco paintings on Havelis is linked with the history of the Marwaris.
The Marwar region includes the central and western parts of Rajasthan. The word Marwar is considered to be derived from Sanskrit word Maruwat, the meaning of maru being 'desert'.
The development of the fresco paintings on Havelis is linked with the history of the Marwaris.
Contents:
1 The community
2 "Rajasthani" and "Marwari"
3 Religion and Caste
4 Language
5 Diaspora
6 Demographics
7 Negotiating Modernity
8 History
9 Women in the Marwari Community
10 Famous and Influential Marwaris
11 Marwari houses
12 Early 20th century Literature and References
The Community
Marwar is the largest region of Rajasthan, located in central & western areas. The residents of Marwar region have been called Marwaris, irrespective of the caste. The term 'Marwari' has a a geographical connotation. So there can be a Marwari baniya and a Marwari rajput and so on.
Many people from Marwari vaishya/baniya/business caste went to distant states for trading and became successful & famous. Since the vaishya/baniya caste is present everywhere in India, for people in other states, the distinguishing factor of a "Marwari baniya" person was "Marwari". Hence, with human tendency to speak short, the term "Marwari" caught on across India's other states to refer to a businessman from Marwar. This usage is imprecise. Other castes from Rajasthan did not migrate to such extent, so awareness about them in other states is low.
Marwaris comprise the people who originally belonged to Rajasthan, particularly, areas in and around Jodhpur, Pali and Nagaur; and certain other adjoining areas.
Marwaris have close association with tradition & culture of Thar and Hinduism. They are soft-spoken, mild-mannered and peaceful. These love to live together in a Joint Family. They like variety of dishes in meals. They are mostly vegetarians.
Many people from Marwari vaishya/baniya/business caste went to distant states for trading and became successful & famous. Since the vaishya/baniya caste is present everywhere in India, for people in other states, the distinguishing factor of a "Marwari baniya" person was "Marwari". Hence, with human tendency to speak short, the term "Marwari" caught on across India's other states to refer to a businessman from Marwar. This usage is imprecise. Other castes from Rajasthan did not migrate to such extent, so awareness about them in other states is low.
Marwaris comprise the people who originally belonged to Rajasthan, particularly, areas in and around Jodhpur, Pali and Nagaur; and certain other adjoining areas.
Marwaris have close association with tradition & culture of Thar and Hinduism. They are soft-spoken, mild-mannered and peaceful. These love to live together in a Joint Family. They like variety of dishes in meals. They are mostly vegetarians.
"Rajasthani" and "Marwari"
Rajasthani is a word derived from the name of a state of independent India, Rajasthan. Any resident of Rajasthan is called Rajasthani (from a regional point of view), whereas Marwari is a word derived from the name of the Marwar region (which after independence became a part of Rajasthan state). So, residents of the Marwar region are basically Marwaris. Hence, all Marwaris are Rajasthanis but all Rajasthanis are not Marwaris.
Though Marwari as a genre originated from a place name, in more recent times the term Marwari is often used for the trading class from the Marwar region.
Though Marwari as a genre originated from a place name, in more recent times the term Marwari is often used for the trading class from the Marwar region.
Religion and Caste
Marwaris are predominantly Hindu, and there are also a large number of Jains. However, regardless of their affiliation, whether Hindu or Jain, Marwaris mingle with each other socially. In some cases they share matrimonial relations and traditional rituals together. The taboos which existed almost a century ago have largely disappeared while still maintaining the proud Marwari tradition.
Vaishya, or trading and commerce, is the most famous caste among Marwaris. Marwari Baniyas are famous for their trading & business skill. These include
Agarwals Maheshwaris Oswals Khandelwals, (Sarawagi etc) Porwals, Seervi Rajputs of Marwar were famous for their valour, strength and fighting skill. There are also Marwari Brahmins like Pushkarnas.
Vaishya, or trading and commerce, is the most famous caste among Marwaris. Marwari Baniyas are famous for their trading & business skill. These include
Agarwals Maheshwaris Oswals Khandelwals, (Sarawagi etc) Porwals, Seervi Rajputs of Marwar were famous for their valour, strength and fighting skill. There are also Marwari Brahmins like Pushkarnas.
Language
Dark green indicates Marwari speaking home area in Rajasthan, light green indicates additional dialect areas where speakers identify their language as Marwari.Marwari is also a language belonging to the Sanskritic subgroup, of the Indo-Aryan branch, of the Indo-European language family. Marwari, or Marrubhasha, as it is referred to by Marwaris, is the traditional, historical, language of the Marwari ethnicity. Though many Marwaris today cannot speak Marwari, and have adopted other Indian languages, primarily Hindi, and English, many still speak a smattering of Marwari. Large numbers, especially in Rajasthan, still converse fluently in Marwari. Various dialects of the language are found, which vary with the speakers' areas of origin, communities etc.
Diaspora
Marwari Baniyas spread to many regions of India, and even to neighboring countries, as they expanded their business and trade networks. In many locales, Marwari immigrants over time (and, usually involving many generations) adopted, or blended into, the regional culture. For example, in Punjab, Marwaris adopted Punjabi, and in Gujarat, Gujarati, and so forth. Significant concentrations of Marwari vaish live in Kolkata in the Burrabazar area and are leading lights in business there. A large number of Marwaris are also in Mumbai. Marwaris have founded businesses in neighboring Nepal, especially in Beerganj, Viratnagar and Kathmandu.
Marwari baniyas, with their business acumen, have migrated across many different parts of the country, and to other countries of the world. In the eastern part of India, they are found in Kolkata, Siliguri, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, etc., where Marwaris are among the prominent businessmen.
The socioeconomic and sociocultural functions and interactions of the Marwari community bear a striking resemblance to those of the Jewish trading communities of the Mediterranean and Europe.[citation needed]
Marwaris extended the reach and influence of their Indian financial and commercial networks from the 17th century through the early 19th century to Persia and Central Asia.
Marwari baniyas, with their business acumen, have migrated across many different parts of the country, and to other countries of the world. In the eastern part of India, they are found in Kolkata, Siliguri, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, etc., where Marwaris are among the prominent businessmen.
The socioeconomic and sociocultural functions and interactions of the Marwari community bear a striking resemblance to those of the Jewish trading communities of the Mediterranean and Europe.[citation needed]
Marwaris extended the reach and influence of their Indian financial and commercial networks from the 17th century through the early 19th century to Persia and Central Asia.
Demographics
The Marwaris now constitute several social groups dispersed throughout India and Pakistan and across the globe, including many remote areas. The total population worldwide is difficult to measure and subject to secular, linguistic, cultural and other parameters of defining who is a Marwari. Although useful estimates about their numbers are not available, some regional estimates have been made. For example, an estimate indicates that their number “never reached above 200,000 at any stage of their presence in Bengal.”
Negotiating Modernity
Marwaris have conventionally been very traditional, averse to modern education. They preferred practical knowledge in business. The urban Marwaris value education and seek to provide it to all irrespective of gender. Consequently, over the past four decades, Marwaris have become moderately diversified in various professions. Although the primary focus is still centered on commerce and finance, Marwaris have ventured into industry, operations, social services, politics, diplomacy, hard sciences and arts.
With this diversification, and with India's rapid socio-economic transformations, the Marwaris are negotiating modernity in a unique manner. On one hand, it has brought them into contact with a wider range of ideologies, leading them to contend and comprehend anew their traditional moorings. On the other hand, it has caused undercurrents of social tensions in what was largely a patriarchal, feudal and monolithic social structure.
Nevertheless, whether radically progressive or conservative traditionalists, the Marwaris pride themselves in their ability to adapt to changing circumstances. A characteristic which they ascribe to be instrumental in the success of their enterprises and also in maintaining their social identity while accommodating the host culture they migrate to. This is visible in Marwaris everywhere. An educated Marwari does not have to contest the labels of either/or. He or she is more likely to qualify their Marwari identity with a reference to the state, country or cultural demographic they were raised in or residing in. To substantiate, they are more likely to offer an amalgamation rather than a label.
This composite identity places the Marwari response to modernity in a unique class. Because the Marwari has been treated (largely due to the politically biased reporting and hagiography by the British surveyors during the East India Company and British Raj days) as the "outsider", they have developed an ability to negotiate and compromise with the perspectives of the native-born "insiders". The migration of Marwaris was, as for most migrants, for economic betterment -- coming as they originally do from a desert region. However, their continuance has been due to a self felt need for cultural furtherance. Curiously, Marwaris do not perceive culture as an artifact that can be fashioned externally. Rather, it has become a process by which the family and community can inhabit both the "outsider" and "insider" status.
With these motivations and circumstances, the Marwaris have chosen to arrange a debate based culture within the community and a service based culture in their interaction with others. Business and commerce fall within the service based culture, as do hospitals, schools, animal shelters, charitable institutions and places of religious worship.
Whereas the initial response to modernity was one of survival, the modern Marwari's response to modernity is that of participation and co-ownership in the communities they live in.
With this diversification, and with India's rapid socio-economic transformations, the Marwaris are negotiating modernity in a unique manner. On one hand, it has brought them into contact with a wider range of ideologies, leading them to contend and comprehend anew their traditional moorings. On the other hand, it has caused undercurrents of social tensions in what was largely a patriarchal, feudal and monolithic social structure.
Nevertheless, whether radically progressive or conservative traditionalists, the Marwaris pride themselves in their ability to adapt to changing circumstances. A characteristic which they ascribe to be instrumental in the success of their enterprises and also in maintaining their social identity while accommodating the host culture they migrate to. This is visible in Marwaris everywhere. An educated Marwari does not have to contest the labels of either/or. He or she is more likely to qualify their Marwari identity with a reference to the state, country or cultural demographic they were raised in or residing in. To substantiate, they are more likely to offer an amalgamation rather than a label.
This composite identity places the Marwari response to modernity in a unique class. Because the Marwari has been treated (largely due to the politically biased reporting and hagiography by the British surveyors during the East India Company and British Raj days) as the "outsider", they have developed an ability to negotiate and compromise with the perspectives of the native-born "insiders". The migration of Marwaris was, as for most migrants, for economic betterment -- coming as they originally do from a desert region. However, their continuance has been due to a self felt need for cultural furtherance. Curiously, Marwaris do not perceive culture as an artifact that can be fashioned externally. Rather, it has become a process by which the family and community can inhabit both the "outsider" and "insider" status.
With these motivations and circumstances, the Marwaris have chosen to arrange a debate based culture within the community and a service based culture in their interaction with others. Business and commerce fall within the service based culture, as do hospitals, schools, animal shelters, charitable institutions and places of religious worship.
Whereas the initial response to modernity was one of survival, the modern Marwari's response to modernity is that of participation and co-ownership in the communities they live in.
History
The earliest recorded account begins from the time of Mughal empire. Since the time of the Mughal period (16th century-19th centuries), particularly from the time of Akbar (1542-1605), Marwari entrepreneurs have been moving out of their homeland of Marwar and Rajasthan, and adjoining regions, to different parts of Undivided India. The first waves migration took place during the Mughal period, and a number of Marwari baniyas moved to the eastern parts of India, currently comprising the Indian states of West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, and Jharkhand; and Bangladesh.
During the period of the Nawabs of Bengal, Marwari vaishyas exhibited their acumen, and controlled the mint and banking. Jagath Seth who controlled the finances of Murshidabad Darbar was an Oswal, one of several sub-groups of Marwaris. The business houses of Gopal Das and Banarasi Das, also Oswal Marwaris, undertook large scale commercial and banking activities.
Several Marwari baniyas, after permanenet settlement was introduced by the British Raj, acquired large estates, in eastern part of India, particularly in Bengal. They included Dulalachand Singh, (alias Dulsing), a Porwal Marwari, who had acquired several Zamindaris around Dhaka, currently the capital of Bangladesh, as also in Bakarganj, Patuakhali, and Comilla, all places currently part of Bangladesh. These Zamindaris were managed and co-owned with khwajas of Dhaka. Dulalchand Singh family also emerged as a business tycoon controlling jute trade.
After India’s First War of Independence (1857-58), when social and political disturbances subsided, another wave of large scale migration of Marwaris took place, and during the remaining period of 19th century, a number of Marwari business houses, small and big, had emerged. The Marwari community controlled all the major business activities of a large geographical areas of the eastern parts of the Indian subcontinent. With a sizeable presence in present day Myanmar and Bangladesh, they controlled major trading and commercial activities in the regions currently comprising the Indian states of West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Jharkhand. They also had almost complete control of indigenous banking, finance and hundi. They took the hundi business to areas where the system was unknown, which included Chittagong, Khulna, Naogaon, Mymensingh, and Arakan. They competed successfully in these areas with Chettiars who were located in the region for long.
Women in the Marwari Community
During the period of the Nawabs of Bengal, Marwari vaishyas exhibited their acumen, and controlled the mint and banking. Jagath Seth who controlled the finances of Murshidabad Darbar was an Oswal, one of several sub-groups of Marwaris. The business houses of Gopal Das and Banarasi Das, also Oswal Marwaris, undertook large scale commercial and banking activities.
Several Marwari baniyas, after permanenet settlement was introduced by the British Raj, acquired large estates, in eastern part of India, particularly in Bengal. They included Dulalachand Singh, (alias Dulsing), a Porwal Marwari, who had acquired several Zamindaris around Dhaka, currently the capital of Bangladesh, as also in Bakarganj, Patuakhali, and Comilla, all places currently part of Bangladesh. These Zamindaris were managed and co-owned with khwajas of Dhaka. Dulalchand Singh family also emerged as a business tycoon controlling jute trade.
After India’s First War of Independence (1857-58), when social and political disturbances subsided, another wave of large scale migration of Marwaris took place, and during the remaining period of 19th century, a number of Marwari business houses, small and big, had emerged. The Marwari community controlled all the major business activities of a large geographical areas of the eastern parts of the Indian subcontinent. With a sizeable presence in present day Myanmar and Bangladesh, they controlled major trading and commercial activities in the regions currently comprising the Indian states of West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Jharkhand. They also had almost complete control of indigenous banking, finance and hundi. They took the hundi business to areas where the system was unknown, which included Chittagong, Khulna, Naogaon, Mymensingh, and Arakan. They competed successfully in these areas with Chettiars who were located in the region for long.
Women in the Marwari Community
Marwaris are known for their orthodox nature. However, their women are usually where most of their orthodoxy is displayed. They tend to marry their daughters as early as possible. Usually, between the age of 18-21 years. After marriage, the girl is wholly responsible to her in-laws. Women are generally not educated and if they are, they don't work after their wedding. They are very pampered by being given a lot of jewelry and clothes. They are, however, not allowed to have or display any independent behavior. Daughters are not taught business and not told family business secrets lest they reveal them when they get married. As Daughters-in-law, their contribution to the family business is limited to basic organizational work. Finances are usually never given to women.
Famous and Influential Marwaris
Agarwal Families Anu Aggrawal, Bollywood Actress Bhageria Family Bharat Bhushan, Bollywood actor, famously known as Tragedy King Bijoy Singh Nahar, Member of Parliament Bimal Jalan, Economist and ex-Governor of the Reserve Bank of India Bhutoria Families Chandanmal Baid, philanthropher and Diamond Merchant Dwarika Prasad Maheshwari, Renowned poet, Former Director of Education in Uttar Pradesh Dalmia, Billionaire industrialists Deep Singh Nahar, photographer Ganeriwala Family Gaurav Lila, Billionaire Industrialist Gautam Singhania Billionaire industrialist Ghanshyam Das Birla, Billionaire industrialist Goenka Family Billionaire industrialists Harsh Goenka, of famous RPG group. Inder Kumar Saraf, Bollywood Actor Jagmohan Dalmiya, Former Chairman of International Cricket Council, the world's highest governing body for Cricket Jatia Family Jhunjunwala Family Billionaire industrialists Kailash Sankhala Kanoria Family Khemka Family Ketan Family Kumar Mangalam Birla, Billionaire industrialist Lakshmi Niwas Mittal, Billionaire industrialist of Arcelor-Mittal Lodha Family Makharia Family Mandelia Family Manoj Sonthalia Moda Family Neotia Family Nevatia Family Piramal Family Billionaire industrialists Poddar Family Billionaire industrialists Prakhar Birla, CEO and founder of Dinit Softwares Billionaire industrialist Puranmal Lahoti, Member of first Rajya Sabha & Freedom Fighter Rahul Bajaj Billionaire industrialist Raj Dugar, venture capitalist Rajan Vora, Member of Parliament (MP), Lok Sabha Raju Kothari, CEO Phonekaro.com, Ram Manohar Lohia Ramesh Chandra Lahoti, Former Chief Justice of India Rev. Kiran Sankhla Ramkrishna Dalmia, Pioneering industrialist of Modern India Ritu Dalmia, famous chef, billionaire industrialist Ruia Family Billionaire industrialists Rungta Family Saharia Family Sarla Maheshwari, Former Vice-Chairperson, Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Indian Parliament) Seksharia Family Shivang Kagzi, Forbes top 50 Billionaire, youngest entreupeneur to be featured on The Economist, FT & Time Magazine Covers Sohanlal Dugar, philanthropist, silver trader, speculator Subhash Sethi, of Subhash Projects. Sunil Mittal Billionaire industrialist Tarachand Ghanshyam Das Family Thirani Family,Industrialists,Business Houses. Tarun Agarwal, Richest Textile Industrialist Vaid Family Venugopal N Dhoot, Billionaire Industrialist, Chairman Videocon Vijaypat Singhania, Aviation Pioneer, world record holder for maximum altitude, billionaire industrialist Yash Birla Billionaire industrialist
Marwari houses
Some of the famous and prominent Marwaris trading, commercial, and industrial houses are as under: Aggarwal, Agarwalla, Agarwal, Agrawal, Ajmera, Bagla, Bagri, Bagaria, Bagrecha, Bahety, Baid, Bajaj, Bajla, Bajoria, Balodia, Bamb, Bangad, Bansal, Banthia, Bawalia, Bhadoria, Bhageria, Bhartiya, Bhagat, Bhalotia, Bhandari, Bhangadia, Bharatia, Bedmutha, Bhattad, Bhut, Bhutoria, Bhuwalka, Bindal, Birla, Biyani, Buchasia, Chamaria, Chandak, Choraria, Dave, Daga, Dhoot, Dalmia, Dalamia, Deopura, Deorah, Dhanuka, Dhokharia, Didwania, Dingliwal, Dudavewala, Dujari, Dhoot, dugar, Gadia, Gangh, Gandhi, Ganeriwal, Gadodia, Garg, Garodia, Goal, Goenka, Goyal, Goyanaka, Gupta, Gyanaka, Heda, Jaipuria, Jajodia, Jaju, Jalan, Jangra, Jhajharia, Jhanwar, Jhunjhunwala, Jhunjhunuwala, Kabra, Kankaria, Kanodia, Kansal, Karwa, Kauntia, Kedia, Kejriwal, Khaitan Khandelwal, Khemka, Khetan, Killa, Kothari, Kathotia, Ladda, Lahoti, Lahoty, Lakhotia, Lohia, Loyalka, Maloo, Malani, Malpani, Malu, Mandelia, Maskara, Mistri, Mittal, Majaria, Modi, Moondra, Moda, Mohanka, Mohatta, Mokati, Mour, Murarka, Nevatia, Oswal, Parasrampuria, Patodia, Patwa, Poddar, Prahladka, Puranmalka, Rajpurohit, Rathee, Rathi, Rathod, Ruia, Rungta, Rupramka, Saboo, Saharia, Sanghi, Saraf, Saraogi, Saravagi, Sarda, Seksaria, Sekhsaria, Sethi, Shah, Sharma, Singhal, Singhania, Singhi, Singhvi, Sisodiya, Sodhani, Somani, Sonthalia, Suhasaria Sultania, Surana, Sureka, Tantia, Taparia, Tayal, Tekriwal Thirani, Todi, Toshniwal, Totla, Trivedi, Vaid, Vyas, Bangur, Bholusaria, joshi, Sonkhia's
Sankhla.
Sankhla.
Early 20th century Literature and References
In R.V. Russell's 1916 published "Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India" Marwari is desribed as following:
A resident of Mārwār or the desert tract of Rājputāna; Mārwār is also used as a name for Jodhpur State. See subordinate article Rājpūt-Rāthor. The name Mārwāri is commonly applied to Banias coming from Mārwār. See article Bania. A subcaste of Bahna, Gurao, Kumhār, Nai, Sunār and Teli.
However, in his glossary Russell gives reference to another related community:
Marori: A small caste of degraded Rājpūts from Marwār found in the Bhandāra and Chhindwāra Districts and also in Berār. The name is a local corruption of Mārwāri, and is applied to them by their neighbours, though many of the caste do not accept it and call themselves Rājpūts. In Chhindwāra they go by the name of Chhatri, and in the Tirora Tahsīl they are known as Alkari, because they formerly grew the al or Indian madder for a dye, though it has now been driven out of the market. They have been in the Central Provinces for some generations, and though retaining certain peculiarities of dress, which show their northern origin, have abandoned in many respects the caste usages of Rājpūts. Their women wear the Hindustāni angia tied with string behind in place of the Marātha choli or breast-cloth, and drape their sāris after the northern fashion. They wear ornaments of the Rājpūtans shape on their arms, and at their weddings they sing Mārwāri songs. They have Rājpūt sept names, as Parihār, Rāthor, Solanki, Sesodia and others, which constitute exogamous groups and are called kulis. Some of these have split up into two or three subdivisions, as, for instance, the Pathar (stone) Panwārs, the Pāndhre or white Panwārs and the Dhatūra or thorn-apple Panwārs; and members of these different groups may intermarry. The reason seems to be that it was recognised that people belonged to the same Panwār sept who were not blood kin to each other, and the prohibition of marriage between them was a serious inconvenience in a small community. They also have eponymous gotras, as Vasishtha, Batsa and others of the Brāhmanical type, but these do not influence exogamy. The paucity of their numbers and the influence of local usage have caused them to relax the marriage rules adhered to by Rājpūts. Women are very scarce, and a price varying from forty to a hundred rupees is commonly paid for a bride, though they feel keenly the degradation attaching to the acceptance of a bride-price. Widow-marriage is permitted, no doubt for the same reasons, and a girl going wrong with a man of another caste may be readmitted to the community. Divorce is not permitted, and an unfaithful wife may be abandoned; she cannot then marry again in the caste. Formerly, on the arrival of the marriage procession, the bride’s and bridegroom’s parties let off fireworks, aiming them against each other, but this practice is now discontinued. When the bridegroom approaches the marriage-shed the bride comes out and strikes him on the breast or forehead with a ball of dough, a sheet being held between them; the bridegroom throws a handful of rice over her and strikes the festoons of the shed with a naked sword. A bachelor espousing a widow must first be married to a ring, which he thereafter carries in his ear, and if it is lost funeral ceremonies must be performed as for a real wife. Women are tattooed on the arms only. Children have as many as five names, one for ordinary use, and the others for ceremonial purposes and the arrangement of marriages. If a man kills a cow or a cat he must have a miniature figure of the animal made of gold and give it to a Brāhman in expiation of his sin.
A resident of Mārwār or the desert tract of Rājputāna; Mārwār is also used as a name for Jodhpur State. See subordinate article Rājpūt-Rāthor. The name Mārwāri is commonly applied to Banias coming from Mārwār. See article Bania. A subcaste of Bahna, Gurao, Kumhār, Nai, Sunār and Teli.
However, in his glossary Russell gives reference to another related community:
Marori: A small caste of degraded Rājpūts from Marwār found in the Bhandāra and Chhindwāra Districts and also in Berār. The name is a local corruption of Mārwāri, and is applied to them by their neighbours, though many of the caste do not accept it and call themselves Rājpūts. In Chhindwāra they go by the name of Chhatri, and in the Tirora Tahsīl they are known as Alkari, because they formerly grew the al or Indian madder for a dye, though it has now been driven out of the market. They have been in the Central Provinces for some generations, and though retaining certain peculiarities of dress, which show their northern origin, have abandoned in many respects the caste usages of Rājpūts. Their women wear the Hindustāni angia tied with string behind in place of the Marātha choli or breast-cloth, and drape their sāris after the northern fashion. They wear ornaments of the Rājpūtans shape on their arms, and at their weddings they sing Mārwāri songs. They have Rājpūt sept names, as Parihār, Rāthor, Solanki, Sesodia and others, which constitute exogamous groups and are called kulis. Some of these have split up into two or three subdivisions, as, for instance, the Pathar (stone) Panwārs, the Pāndhre or white Panwārs and the Dhatūra or thorn-apple Panwārs; and members of these different groups may intermarry. The reason seems to be that it was recognised that people belonged to the same Panwār sept who were not blood kin to each other, and the prohibition of marriage between them was a serious inconvenience in a small community. They also have eponymous gotras, as Vasishtha, Batsa and others of the Brāhmanical type, but these do not influence exogamy. The paucity of their numbers and the influence of local usage have caused them to relax the marriage rules adhered to by Rājpūts. Women are very scarce, and a price varying from forty to a hundred rupees is commonly paid for a bride, though they feel keenly the degradation attaching to the acceptance of a bride-price. Widow-marriage is permitted, no doubt for the same reasons, and a girl going wrong with a man of another caste may be readmitted to the community. Divorce is not permitted, and an unfaithful wife may be abandoned; she cannot then marry again in the caste. Formerly, on the arrival of the marriage procession, the bride’s and bridegroom’s parties let off fireworks, aiming them against each other, but this practice is now discontinued. When the bridegroom approaches the marriage-shed the bride comes out and strikes him on the breast or forehead with a ball of dough, a sheet being held between them; the bridegroom throws a handful of rice over her and strikes the festoons of the shed with a naked sword. A bachelor espousing a widow must first be married to a ring, which he thereafter carries in his ear, and if it is lost funeral ceremonies must be performed as for a real wife. Women are tattooed on the arms only. Children have as many as five names, one for ordinary use, and the others for ceremonial purposes and the arrangement of marriages. If a man kills a cow or a cat he must have a miniature figure of the animal made of gold and give it to a Brāhman in expiation of his sin.
